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Follow Us on Twitter. View Us on Flickr. Zealous, rigid opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood and its offshoots has been the ordering principle of the Sisi regime and is now the most dominant feature of Egyptian political life.

Although the Sisi regime has targeted all forms of political expression and dissent, it has been particularly focused on the Brotherhood.

In its efforts to eradicate the organization, the government has resorted to broad-based repression, outlawing the Brotherhood, jailing tens of thousands of its members and sympathizers, and engaging in outright violence to quash the possibility of future mobilization.

As its neighbors intervene to remake the region along sectarian or Islamist lines, Egypt has in this respect emerged as perhaps the most prominent status quo player in the Middle East.

Egypt has neither resolved its longstanding tensions with Iran nor restored full diplomatic relations.

It has simply refused to be drawn into regional conflict. When these principles are in direct conflict, anti-Islamism still trumps all other considerations.

It has also produced an abrasive suspicion, opportunistically stoked by some Egyptian officials, that outside powers seek not just to sway Egypt but to dominate or destabilize it.

This view, prevalent among the Egyptian people and the governing elite though Sisi has been more realistic , is a function of its size, past centrality, and cultural predominance within the Arab world.

These countries albeit to varying degrees are able to use their wealth, military power, and regional proxy networks to project power in ways that Egypt simply cannot.

Geography means that Egypt has continued to play an important role in Libya and Gaza, but elsewhere Cairo has sought to turn its relative weakness into diplomatic currency—for instance by attaching itself to diplomatic initiatives and seeking a position as a broker between rival regional factions, as it did during the Lebanon crisis.

As new technologies reshape our economy and society, we must ensure that these engines of progress are bound by laws and ethics , as we have done at previous technological turning points in history, and avoid a race to the bottom, where the rules of the digital age are written by China and Russia.

It is time for the United States to lead in forging a technological future that enables democratic societies to thrive and prosperity to be shared broadly.

These are ambitious goals, and none of them can be reached without the United States—flanked by fellow democracies—leading the way.

We are facing adversaries, both externally and internally, hoping to exploit the fissures in our society, undermine our democracy, break up our alliances, and bring about the return of an international system where might determines right.

The answer to this threat is more openness, not less: more friendships, more cooperation, more alliances, more democracy. No army on earth can match the way the electric idea of liberty passes freely from person to person, jumps borders, transcends languages and cultures, and supercharges communities of ordinary citizens into activists and organizers and change agents.

We must once more harness that power and rally the free world to meet the challenges facing the world today. It falls to the United States to lead the way.

No other nation has that capacity. No other nation is built on that idea. We have to champion liberty and democracy, reclaim our credibility, and look with unrelenting optimism and determination toward our future.

Opportunities for the Next Administration. Defending Democracy Against Its Enemies. This site uses cookies to improve your user experience.

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Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez D-N. Castro was not among the Democrats who co-sponsored the anti-BDS resolution, although he did vote in favor.

State Department and rejoining the Iran nuclear deal. Michael McCaul R-Texas , also welcomed the election outcome. The rule that only monarchies could send ambassadors was more honored in the breach than the observance.

This had been true even before the Congress of Vienna, as England continued to appoint ambassadors after becoming a republic in The United States followed the French precedent in , and began to exchange ambassadors with other Great Powers.

Historically, the order of precedence had been a matter of great dispute. European powers agreed that the papal nuncio and imperial ambassador would have precedence, but could not agree on the relative precedence of the kingdoms and smaller countries.

In , the French and Russian ambassadors to Great Britain even fought a duel over who had the right to sit next to the imperial ambassador at a court ball.

After several diplomatic incidents between their ambassadors, France and Spain agreed in to let the date of arrival determine their precedence.

In , Portugal attempted to apply seniority to all ambassadors, but the rule was rejected by the other European courts. The Congress of Vienna finally put an end to these disputes over precedence.

After an initial attempt to divide countries into three ranks faltered on the question of which country should be in each rank, the Congress instead decided to divide diplomats into three ranks.

A fourth rank was added by the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle Each diplomatic rank had precedence over the lower ranks, and precedence within each rank was determined by the date that their credentials were presented.

The papal nuncio could be given a different precedence than the other ambassadors. The Holy Roman Empire had ceased to exist in , so the Austrian ambassador would accumulate seniority along with the other ambassadors.

In modern diplomatic practice, there are a number of diplomatic ranks below Ambassador. Since most missions are now headed by an ambassador, these ranks now rarely indicate a mission's or its host nation's relative importance, but rather reflect the diplomat's individual seniority within their own nation's diplomatic career path and in the diplomatic corps in the host nation:.

Furthermore, outside this traditional pattern of bilateral diplomacy, as a rule on a permanent residency basis though sometimes doubling elsewhere , certain ranks and positions were created specifically for multilateral diplomacy:.

Special envoys have been created ad hoc by individual countries, treaties and international organizations including the United Nations. A few examples are provided below:.

Most countries worldwide have some form of internal rank, roughly parallel to the diplomatic ranks, which are used in their foreign service or civil service in general.

The correspondence is not exact, however, for various reasons, including the fact that according to diplomatic usage, all Ambassadors are of equal rank, but Ambassadors of more senior rank are typically sent to more important postings.

Some countries may make specific links or comparisons to military ranks. Embaixador is the honorary dignity conceded permanently when a Minister of First Class assumes a Post overseas.

It can also be a temporary assignment, when carried on by a lower-rank diplomat or Brazilian politician of high level.

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First Affairs