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This approach involves the danger that lower-level officials will not perform the tasks assigned to them with the necessary zeal, out of a lack of conviction.

Therefore, the task of the German military administration authorities will be to supervise and monitor carefully the activity of the French authorities in this regard.

The right of the administrateurs provisoires to liquidate Jewish enterprises was explicitly confirmed by law on 2 February When it came to the midsize and larger enterprises, the German military administration headquarters in Paris was in charge.

The body was divided into eight sections, each devoted to a particular economic sector. In the first half of , at least the administrateurs provisoires for the midsize and larger enterprises were still selected and appointed either by the prefects or directly by the administration of the military commander.

In France, there could be no question of such a central authority under German direction, because of the guarantee of French administrative sovereignty in the Armistice Convention.

The CGQJ had two headquarters, one in Vichy and one in Paris. It was answerable to the interior minister from April to May , then directly to the head of government from May The CGQJ serves as an example both of the tensions and contradictions within the multidimensional division of powers in the interplay between the German occupying power and the Vichy regime and of the action orientations of those concerned.

The comparison with the conditions in Belgium, where the planned Commissariat royal aux questions juives did not come about,18 makes this obvious.

On the other hand, the CGQJ was nevertheless established under German pressure and, as such, was an indication of latent interference by the occupying power in French administrative affairs.

Finally, the assignment of competence to the CGQJ triggered rivalries with the already established authorities, particularly with the SCAP and the regular Vichy ministries.

Copyright Agence Roger Viollet. This was true of the newly created MPI. Bichelonne and Bousquet each had a German counterpart in the person of comparably young and unscrupulous Nazi functionaries.

In the area of the economy and the collaboration in mobilizing workforces for the German armaments industry, this counterpart was Albert Speer. From the French perspective, the question arose again concerning the integrity of the national administrative structures.

From the German perspective, neither the occupied zone nor the Free Zone had a functioning administrative apparatus for implementing the economic measures against the Jews in the spring of By a law of 19 June , the SCAP was integrated into the CGQJ.

The remaining 10 percent was used to finance the CGQJ. Through a government ordinance of 21 March ,30 the UGIF was then authorized to draw upon the frozen accounts at the CDC to repay the credit.

In the final analysis, therefore, the so-called fine lent further impetus to the radicalization of the economic persecution measures directed against the Jews.

It ensured that the spoliation of Jewish property by the state was firmly institutionalized, particularly through the close cooperation between state authorities and banks.

In the final stage, these efforts of the French side ran parallel to the plans by the SD and the Gestapo to initiate the systematic mass deportations of Jews from France and to the streamlining of the organizational preconditions through the appointment of Oberg as HSSPF in May and the promotion of Knochen to BdS.

The primary issue for all of those concerned was instead a political one. On the German side in , the objective of the deportation of all Jews was a directive from the very highest level.

That was sufficient as motivation for the persecutors and as an argument toward the French authorities. Therefore, the prehistory of the mass deportations that began in June is, above all, proof of the political capabilities of the SS.

Both of these facts were primarily due to a Franco-German consensus among the professional police technocrats, epitomized by the Oberg-Bousquet agreement of August Their paths crossed after fundamental political changes as well as alterations affecting personnel and organization had been made on both the German and French sides in the spring of These involved, on the German side, the exclusion of the military commander from policing matters through the monopolization of jurisdiction by the SS and, on the French side, the return to power of Pierre Laval in April Initial French and German Persecution Measures The anti-Jewish measures introduced on both the French and German sides through ordinances and administrative decisions from the fall of onward represent the first arena.

At first, they did not lead to any more far-reaching organizational measures. Jewish immigrants or their children were profoundly affected by these measures.

The same holds for the Vichy law of 10 September ,11 which adopted an ordinance of the German commander in chief of the army of 20 May for the rear military areas under military administration,12 according to which a provisional administrator administrateur provisoire could be appointed for companies with absentee owners.

The first French measure directed explicitly against the Jews was the annulment on 27 August of the law of 21 April making anti-Semitic propaganda in the press a punishable offense.

Because of the first statute, Jews were excluded from the civil service and the army, from all public offices, from public companies, from teaching at public schools, and from a series of cultural and journalistic professions.

This was connected with a law published a few weeks later, on 22 July , mandating the handover and public administration of Jewish assets.

In the spring of , a further wave of economic decrees followed, subjecting the Jews to strict controls over their property that were implemented by the Vichy authorities.

The ordinances and administrative measures against the Jews primarily served to support strict police controls and restrictions on their mobility, but from May , direct repressive measures primarily targeted against nonFrench Jews were also taken.

Based on the law of 4 October , the French police imprisoned around 3, Jews in Paris on 14 May , deporting them to the Pithiviers and Beaune-la-Rolande detention camps run by French authorities in the occupied zone.

On 20 August , the Paris metropolitan police conducted a large-scale raid, in the course of which 3, Jews, mostly non-French nationals, were arrested based on arrest lists26 and were confined in the Drancy internment camp.

To this must be added internees from the Drancy camp. They formed the first of 79 transports sent to the extermination camps to which around 77, Jews living in France would fall victim.

The first mass murder of Jewish deportees by gassing took place on 19 July , to which of the deportees from the seventh convoy from Drancy fell victim.

The German military administration as well as the Vichy authorities and their police were involved in these persecution measures from the outset.

Congruent objectives functioned as a radicalizing factor in this process as much as did the wrangling over competences.

During the first phase of the German occupation until the invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June , the government in Vichy pursued an independent and active anti-Semitic policy whose primary goal was the exclusion of the Jews from the economy and public life and from the civil service.

When, following the invasion of the Soviet Union, the occupiers declared communist resistance to be a new security risk, they could also count on the basic willingness of the French police to collaborate in this area.

If an extensive homogeneity of objectives and the collaboration based on a division of labor were already an essential radicalizing factor, the dynamic of escalation was aggravated still further by the competition over competences between the German military administration and the Vichy authorities.

This was made apparent from the outset by the economic persecution measures against the Jews,31 where the Vichy representatives were afraid that the Germans would exert direct influence over French economic life.

The same logic would become apparent, from the spring of onward, in the police repression of the Jews in advance of and during the deportations.

They led to the development of procedural routines and the formation of new administrative bodies. Although a consolidation in this respect was achieved in the area of the economic persecution of the Jews in the summer of , such a consolidation in the area of police repression would not be achieved until the summer of The prompt French initiative and the rapid construction of the SCAP were a result of the determination on the French side to prevent the economic persecution of the Jews from becoming a vehicle of German influence over the French economy.

The institutional relations were considerably more complicated in the area of the police repression of the Jews.

This applied to both the German and the French sides and to the relations between the German and French authorities.

These efforts were not successful when it came to the economic measures against the Jews. The process began with repressive measures by the military administration following the German invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June This event ensured that clearly defined ideological fronts were restored on both the National Socialist and Communist sides.

On 19 August , a German field court-martial passed a death sentence on two young men, Henri Gautherot and Samuel Tyszelman, who had been arrested some days previously.

Both were immediately executed, and the execution was announced throughout the entire Paris municipal area, using particularly conspicuous red or yellow posters.

On the posters announcing the execution of the two young communists, the military administration made explicit that Tyszelman was a Jew.

On 21 August , a member of the German armed forces was attacked for the first time, presumably as a response to the execution of Gautherot and Tyszelman.

A German marine was shot dead by two French attackers in a Paris Metro station. The reaction of Vichy to this new escalation of the German policy of repression was telling.

As early as 23 August , the Vichy interior minister, Pierre Pucheu, passed a law authorizing special courts to impose particularly draconian punishments, including the death penalty, on communist and anarchist offenders.

He [Hitler] could accept the shooting of three hostages only as a first direct measure. At least new hostages must be identified.

At the next assassination attempt, at least shootings must be conducted for each German. It will not be possible to master the situation without such draconian retaliation.

Please submit a telex report on the reasons that were decisive in confining the shootings to three hostages. The way in which the punishment is administered must heighten the deterrent effect still further.

The connection that the OKW directive drew between the conduct of the war against the Soviet Union, communist insurgency, and the military situation as a whole was also perfectly in tune with the interpretations of the occupation authorities.

To this was added the initially strong support for the German repressive measures by the government in Vichy.

This support reflected not only the shared anticommunism of the German occupiers and the French government but, above all, the fact that the policy of collaboration pursued by both sides proved to be resilient even under crisis conditions.

Since the OKW directive of 16 September , the viability of the collaboration and hence the basis for virtually all of the ruling practices of the military administration were in abeyance.

On the one hand, the military administration was naturally not in control of the triggering moment for the automatism of attack and reprisal decreed by Hitler and the OKW; on the other hand, there could be no assurance that the distinction the OKH imposed between communists and anarchists, on the one side, and the remainder of the French, on the other, would prove to be effective.

In fact, the relations between the occupying power and Vichy were plunged into a serious crisis at the end of October , after two senior German officials were shot dead by resistance fighters in consecutive attacks on the 20 and 21 October.

The details of these measures were the object of close and intense coordination with both the government in Vichy and the OKW, with Quartermaster General Wagner, who was in charge, receiving detailed directives from Hitler.

Despite this appeal, 50 further hostages were executed by German firing squads on the following day.

In the fall of , the mass execution of entirely innocent people was the dominant theme among the French population and, insofar as one could speak of such, the French public.

This development was closely followed by both the government in Vichy and the German occupation administration. But the execution of a further 50 hostages if the perpetrators are not found can have dire consequences.

Its effect was nothing short of catalytic. On the other hand, it led to a consolidation of occupation and institutional policy, an integral component of which was the further radicalization of the persecution of the Jews.

The radicalization of the persecution of the Jews was undoubtedly the work of both of the key control centers of the German occupation regime in France, the specialist departments of the military commander in France and those of the German Embassy in Paris.

Moreover, presumably in the fall of , at the time of the supposed decisive battle before Moscow, German occupation policy in France was ultimately only a peripheral concern of the dictator.

This perception was also the essential common denominator between the German military administration, on the one side, and the government in Vichy, on the other.

Already at the very first signs of an intensification of resistance to the German occupying power following the German invasion of the Soviet Union, however, the military commander and the German Embassy in Paris explicitly made the Jews the target of more severe repressive measures.

The driving force behind the setting of priorities at this time, from the summer of , was not the OKW, the OKH, Hitler himself, or even the RSHA but, instead, the military commander and the German Embassy.

This became apparent for the first time with the raid conducted on 20 August As the collaboration of the Paris police demonstrated, the German side could rely on the fact that the Vichy regime and its leadership would apply an anti-Semitic interpretive framework that reflected its own stereotypes, particularly when measures were directed mainly against foreign Jews, as was the case with this raid.

Here we initially thought of a figure of up to 1, Werner Best. In the process, Knochen exhibited a level of unscrupulousness that was astounding even by the standards of the adept officers of the military administration.

The political repercussions would have been immense if punitive measures had been imposed on Frenchmen and afterwards the true authorship had become known.

Knochen and SS-Ostuf. Sommer, will no longer be employed there. Heydrich responded on 6 November , Because of the exceptional character of the measures to be conducted, the head of my Paris office [thus Knochen] did not inform the military commander.

For, judged by past experience of the collaboration with the military commander, he could scarcely count on meeting with the requisite understanding for the need to conduct these measures in the conflict with ideological opponents.

I also accept full responsibility for this. However, the extremely dramatic events of December would entirely overshadow such skirmishes in an ultimately peripheral matter of occupation administration.

The fifth of December marked the beginning of the Soviet counteroffensive that plunged the Wehrmacht, particularly the army and its high command, into its first major crisis since the beginning of the war.

The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor followed on 7 December, and Germany declared war on the United States on 11 December.

Hitler dismissed the commander in chief of the army, Field Marshal von Brauchitsch, on 19 December. Unusually enough, the dictator himself now took over the leadership of the OKH.

I again request that in future the stipulation, nature, and scale of punitive measures should be left to me. Such a measure is sure to have a powerful effect.

Nevertheless, the OKH gave him a clear rebuff. At the same time, this statement revealed the change that the relations between the military commander in France and his superiors in the Wehrmacht had undergone.

He tendered his resignation on 15 February At the same time, however, it was an admission that hardly anything was left of the initial political and administrative general authority of the military commander.

Furthermore, all of the units of the Secret Field Police Geheime Feldpolizei were placed under the command of the HSSPF, and the officials in charge in the military administration were integrated into the Security Police.

A clearer expression of the victory of the SS over the Wehrmacht is hard to imagine. The assumption that the increase in power of the SS and the almost complete translation of the organizational model of the RSHA for the police to the occupied zone led, in themselves, to a radicalization of the German repressive measures would be mistaken.

In particular, he, Heydrich, was of the opinion that the system of hostage executions was out of place in France.

Thus, in cases of resistance by the population, it was the foremost task of the HSSPF to establish the identity of the perpetrators and to punish them.

Then this success can also be achieved. Then it will be possible to refrain from hostage executions. The result was a tactical shift in course by the SS leadership in France, which found itself forced to place the impending mass deportations of Jews in the context of the general objectives of the occupation policy.

These two men knew each other well, since they had worked together in the central department of the SD-Hauptamt Secret Services Main Office under Reinhard Heydrich from onward.

In the late s, Hagen, born in , served as director of the Department of Jewish Affairs Judenabteilung in the SDHauptamt, at the center of operations of the persecution of the Jews.

What qualified him for this role was the high level of his intelligence, attested by all postwar witnesses;4 his undoubted expertise in two key domains of SD activity, the persecution of the Jews and foreign espionage; his excellent relations to the two leading figures in these areas in Paris up to that time, Knochen and Dannecker; and, not least, his excellent command of French.

Hitler had personally conferred Iron Crosses First Class on the participants in the SD commando unit including Knochen.

Until the beginning of January , he had been director of Gestapo department II B concerned with religious groups, Jews, Freemasons, emigrants, and pacifists in the RSHA.

Among the leading SS personnel in Paris, Lischka was the one with the most practical experience when it came to conducting repressive measures of whatever kind, whether against the Jews or against political opponents of the National Socialist regime or of the German occupying power.

This carried even more weight in view of the fact that his superior, Knochen, had no personal experience in police matters. He came from the same unit within Amt IV of the RSHA as Knochen and Hagen and, having been born in , also belonged to the same age-group.

In , he first became a member of the SS and shortly thereafter joined the NSDAP. Dannecker was evidently an alcoholic.

In , he was reprimanded on disciplinary grounds for drunkenness while on duty and for making false entries in the guard book of the Oranienburg concentration camp.

In other words, the divergences were inconsequential as long as the treatment of the Jews had not become a contentious political issue in relations between the German occupying power and the national authorities and their representatives.

The key figure in the German Embassy was the counselor in the political department, Carltheo Zeitschel. Within the Foreign Service, he was a lateral entrant from the Nazi Party.

Zeitschel, who was born in , was trained as a physician and had been a member of the NSDAP since and hence held the Gold Honor Party Badge Goldenes Parteiabzeichen.

For a brief period in , he was consul in Nigeria, where he narrowly escaped internment by the British. The latter not only could count on the loyal support of the German military administration but also received further, radicalizing impulses following the German invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June and the resulting attacks on Wehrmacht institutions.

The ongoing anti-Jewish laws and ordinances, by contrast, were a matter for the Vichy authorities and the German military administration.

By contrast, the military administration, represented in this instance by Werner Best as head of the Administration Section, made a plea for postponing this measure on the grounds that, following the change in leadership of the Judenkommissariat from Vallat to Darquier de Pellepeoix, the French authorities could be expected to introduce the Star of David badge on their own account.

Following a series of attacks on members of the German Wehrmacht in late April and early May , Knochen, in a conversation with Abetz, secured the consent of the embassy to the immediate introduction of the Star of David badge in the occupied territories, which Zeitschel promptly communicated to Dannecker by telephone on 4 May It was transformed into a compromise that shattered the dreams cherished in the meantime by both Dannecker and Eichmann, and as a matter of occupation policy, it was made contingent on the consent of the government in Vichy.

The compliance of the military administration and the embassy with the planned introduction of the Star of David badge on 7 June was the final process in which the rivalry between the Wehrmacht and the SS still played a certain role in the implementation of the persecution measures.

With the appointment of the HSSPF, these tensions were a thing of the past, at least when it came to the repressive measures in general and the persecution of the Jews in particular.

At the operative level, the preparations for the deportation of the Jews were transposed to a new dimension, but at the political level, the fundamental question of the effectiveness of the French police organization and the reliability of the collaboration relations between the relevant German and French authorities was placed on the agenda.

Heydrich had a clear perception of the dilemma of the occupation policy of, on the one hand, having to supervise the domestic security apparatus while, on the other, having only limited personnel resources at its disposal for this task.

In particular, he, Heydrich, was of the opinion that the system of hostage executions was misplaced in France. It amounted to an admission of failure on the part of the police.

Thus the foremost task of the HSSPF in cases of resistance by the population was to establish the identity of the perpetrators and to inflict the punishment.

He had to succeed in securing the involvement of the French police and then this success would also be achievable. Actor Constellation and Strategic and Tactical Dispositions on the French Side Among the framework conditions for implementing the decisions of the Wannsee Conference in France was a complete overhaul of personnel, which had occurred in the first half of in the relevant authorities on both sides, the French as well as the German.

The changes on the French side were even more sweeping. On 18 April , Pierre Laval returned to power as head of government Chef du gouvernement , a position newly created for him.

On the German side, however, there could not be any question of a coherent policy toward France, with regard either to the linkage between strategic and tactical initiatives or to the coordination among the relevant actors.

Good relations to Vichy had value for Hitler himself and for the High Command of the Armed Forces Oberkommando der Wehrmacht, or OKW only as long and insofar as they were conducive to the German military objectives.

Among these objectives in and was, besides ensuring political and police security in the rear area, a possible military contribution by France to the conduct of the war against Great Britain in the Mediterranean.

Darlan was prepared to support the side that, in his estimation, had the better chances of victory.

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